View source for The Masses

==Introduction==
The Masses was founded in 1911. It was an illustrated socialist monthly with 10 volumes that became short lived because in August 1917 it was barred from mail by the US government because it critiqued the US involvement in World War I. Was The Masses barred specifically because of this one article or was it barred because its conflicting views with the US government? The Masses was barred not because of its critique of the US involvement in World War I but it was barred because of its unpopular socialist opinions that proved a nightmare for the capitalist US government. The article critiquing US involvement in World War I was used as a scapegoat to finally silence “the most dangerous magazine in America”, (new stuff) but how effective was the ban on The Masses? Did the government succeed in silencing these writers and stomping out the socialist movement?

==Text Mining==

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===War===
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''The Masses'' held a very negative view of the United States' entrance and involvement in World War I. Peaks in the graph occur near issues in which war is discussed heavily. ''The Masses's'' views on the war were very strong and polarizing as well, which is part of the reason it was so inflammatory.

===Woman===
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In ''The Masses'' corpus, we chose "Woman" as during the time the views on women were a big social issue. During this period, women were pushing to be equal and was a controversial topic of discussion. ''The Masses'' in particular was highly for the idea of woman's suffrage.

===Labor===
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Labor was analyzed because labor is a very significant issue in the socialism versus capitalism conflict. It helps address the guiding question of whether "The Masses" was barred from mail because of one article on US involvement in World War I or if it was barred because of a build up of unpopular opinions that the US government eventually silenced.
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===The Liberator===
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(WIP) The Liberator was a magazine started by Max Eastman after The Masses was banned. In it, he covered topics very similar to the masses. The Magazine was later merged with a few others and the ownership fell under the Communist Party of America.

====Vol 1====
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This graph shows that Max Eastman's new magazine didn't let up on the pressure against the war. By starting another magazine, he was successful in circumventing the government ban on The Masses.

===Scouts===
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Before the US involvement in WWI, ''The Masses'' held a campaign against the Boy Scouts as they believed they were a breeding ground for soldiers. After the US gets involved however, the Boy Scout movement dies out.

==Timeline==
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==Close Reading==


===Vol. 1 No.2===
[http://library.brown.edu/jpegs/1354913821828875.jpg '''The Boy Scout Movement'''] by [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Ross_Kirkpatrick George R. Kirkpatrick]

''"The Boy Scout movement is an organized, craftily subsidized effort for creating the kill-lust in boys, the love of arms, the desire for the military life, and the brainlessly automatic obedience of soldiers."''

Kirkpatrick discusses the BSA and how they are developing soldiers through blind obedience. He mocks the idea of the Scouts as he believes they cater to the primal nature of violence rather than promote the ideals of education and subsequently reform. They train these boys to follow rather than have them think on their own. ''"'Obedience is beautiful. Blind obedience is to superiors is perfection. I am inferior, I agree that those who are appointed over me ought to be over me. I will make no inquiries."'' Kirkpatrick critiques the Boy Scouts as he believes it forces them into "hive mind" thinking. Rather than critique what they believe is wrong, the Scouts encourages youth to follow and that those who are superior to you are superior a reason. Kirkpatrick believes these boys are being brainwashed to follow.

===Vol. 1 No. 12===
[http://library.brown.edu/pdfs/1354919808797629.pdf '''The Cheapest Commodity on the Market'''] by A.O. Fischer  

''"Yet woman is the cheapest commodity on the market. You can buy ten women for the price of a good ruby."''

Fischer in this article addresses the worth of labor for both men and women and critiques the fact that women earn just enough to get by.

''"From these women will come the race of the future. According to their health and strength will be the health and strength of the next generation. Common sense ought to help us see that even if we lack the imagination to see in the degradation of women the degradation of the whole race."''

Fischer is appalled by the fact that the labor force is seemingly expendable. If someone was not doing their job properly or efficiently, they could easily find someone else to bring in. In regards to women as well, they are making just enough to get by. This, however, to Fischer was unacceptable as the future of a generation depended on women. 

Fischer then goes on to beg several questions about women as well as the views of the workforce: 
#Are women really seen as equal in society? ''"To be a woman in a modern capitalist society means to be the cheapest commodity on the market."''
#Is the life of a person in general really worth what we make of it? ''"A jewel is a fine thing, but so far, as a jewel serves no practical purpose, one human life is worth all the jewels of the world."''
#''"What is the matter with a world that searches land and sea for a new jewel yet stands calmly by while women sell their lives to a machine and sell them for only enough to buy food and bed?"''
#Will we be the shameful era for women's rights for not doing something about this injustice now?

At the beginning on the article, Fischer goes on to say that those that believe that women were equal to men during that time have been lied to by those who preach that they are. From there, he goes on to speak of the injustices of the labor force. ''"But if you want a human being's services you have only to hold up your hand and at once you will have a score of human beings to choose from. You don't even have to buy them. Each day you need pay them only what it will take to buy their food and lodging and if ever they become sick you have simply to throw them out and hire others in their place."'' Essentially, the gears that keep in the system are completely replaceable. Workers were seen as commodities rather than living beings. Fischer was appalled by the views of the labor force and was also stunned by how women were viewed as well.

===Vol. 3 No.2===
[http://dl.lib.brown.edu/jpegs/1361204715159167.jpg '''Anton Otto Fischer'''] 

''"As it is, he will only fume and rage and say he will not do another thing for The Masses"''.

Fischer was an political propaganda artist for ''The Masses'' and was heavily involved during the first volume of the magazine. His contributions after the first volume, however, were nonexistent. This is acknowledged in this issues "Who We Are and What We Are Doing" section. Fischer states his reason for leaving to a written letter saying: ''"'My Dear Piet: A happy New Year and Merry Xmas. But say, what silly rot are you up to now? I hope you are not going to drag me into that. If you do, I won't do another thing for The Masses. I don't like it."'' Fischer left the ''The Masses'' as he disagreed with where the publication was going. As a political propaganda artist, it seems odd for him to leave ''The Masses'' as the publication openly contradicted and criticized the government. His leaving, however, was due to the disagreement to the direction that the magazine was headed.

''The Masses'' saw Fischer's leaving as a him being over committed. ''"Today he is very much in demand; in fact, too much. They are overworking him. ''Scribner's Magazine'' ran four full pages of his paintings and three pages of sketches as a special feature. The ''Cosmopolitan'', the  ''Saturday Evening Post'', ''Collier's'' and others are keeping him so busy that it is as much as your life is worth to try to get into his studio before dark."'' ''The Masses'' wanted the readers to believe that it was not due to their ideals that Fischer left. Rather the editors wanted the readers to believe that he left as Fischer himself was too busy to work on ''The Masses''. They deliberately attempted to cover up the fact that Fischer left as he disagreed with the direction of the magazine.

===Vol. 4 No. 1===
[http://library.brown.edu/pdfs/1362683171490042.pdf '''Why the United States Must Adopt Socialism'''] by R.A. Dague

''"The annual report of the Steel Trust for December 31, 1911, shows that last year it made net profits of $142,000,000 or a profit of $700 on each employee."''

For Karl Marx, exploitation is unpaid wages. By this definition, any member of the working-class whose company realizes a profit is exploited. Dague finds this appalling, and uses the factoid to suggest why socialism is necessary for the United States. He continues, ''"The U.S. Senate Labor and Education Committee recently in its official report denounced the United States Steel Corporation as a "brutal system of industrial slavery.""'' Strong rhetoric of slavery via exploitation is reminiscent of the slavery of fifty years prior... It took over a century to free slaves from Africa. Will Dague tolerate taking that long to solve exploitation in the industrial era?

''"Socialism is a systematic, well-thought-out system of Industrialism, which will meet the requirements of the new era coming. It will stop stock-watering and "industrial peonage," and the crushing of the weak by the strong. It will furnish employment to all the unemployed. It will abolish strikes and blacklisting and dynamiting and war. It will take children out of the mills and shops and put them in school; it will make comfortable the aged, not by chloroforming them, but pensioning them.''"

While these all sound like great things, and appeal to the masses, how will socialism result in such change? Dague provides empty claims that preach to the choir that is ''The Masses''. In fact, Dague seems to gather his persuasion from the ethos that comes from shaming both the system of capitalism, and the capitalists themselves. Dague's logos, in this piece at least, is lacking.

===Vol. 7 No. 1===
[http://library.brown.edu/pdfs/1380038297735042.pdf '''Labor and the Future'''] by Amos Pinchot

''"Confident in its isolation and ignorance, industrial absolutism not only says to the worker, "You toil and work and earn bread and I'll eat it; " it says, "You earn bread on my terms only and I'll eat it. And if you rebel I will use economic power, violence, law, the administration of justice—yes, and contempt of law and violation of justice, in order to reduce you to obedience."''

Pinot's article argues that industrial absolutism is a unfair to the working class and discusses the use of labor strikes to cure the United States from industrial absolutism. Industrial absolutism is in essence the belief that an employer has complete power over his or her employees and the employees must obey the employer. Pinot uses the example of strikes to check the power of the employer and eventually phase out industrial absolutism.

"Labor can no longer win by strikes alone. The labor surplus is so large..."
"Neither peaceful nor violent methods can keep this unemployed labor surplus out of the mine or mill."

A major issue with Pinot's recognition of strikes as a means of overthrowing industrial absolutism is that if an employee is fired there is such a large labor surplus that two more employees can be hired the same day to take the former employee's place. This labor surplus also means that violent and peaceful methods are useless. Pinot even goes on to say that the industrial absolutism results in "industrial slavery." 

This type of writing eventually led to the introduction and recognition of labor unions once the labor surplus began to decrease. However, the damage by this article is still done as it target political issues that the US government had yet to solve. This is yet another is ''The Masses'' tackles that the US government had no answer to at the time.



'''Confession of a Suffrage Orator''' by Max Eastman (Links)

''"Why to say that woman's sphere is the home after the census says it isn't, is like saying the earth is flat after a hundred thousand people have sailed round it!"''

In this article, Eastman condemns the domestic idealist propagandist for pandering to society's wishes. He denounces their arguments as "old... classed, and codified... false and foolish too."

''"Why to say that woman's sphere is the home after the census says it isn't, is like saying the earth is flat after a hundred thousand people have sailed round it!"''

Instead, Eastman proposes a compromise of tolerance: ''"Let us agree that woman's proper sphere is the home, whenever it is."'' He acknowledges that many women are satisfied as homemakers, but resents that society pushes this as the ideal for women. Eastman highlights the women who aren't homemakers, ''"hindered... by the dogma which you and your society hold over them..."'' Eastman's strongest argument for the suffragists connected women's place in society to their familial responsibilities:

''"No woman is fit to bring children into this world until she knows to the full the rough actual character of the world into which she is bringing them. And she will never know that until we lift from her—in her own growing years—the repressive prejudice that expresses itself and maintains itself in refusing to make her a citizen."''

===Vol. 9 No. 8===

[http://library.brown.edu/pdfs/1380112514234999.pdf '''Advertising Democracy'''] by Max Eastman

''"It is not a war for democracy. It did not originate in a dispute about democracy, and it is unlikely to terminate in a democratic settlement."''

The Masses heavily criticized the U.S's involvement in the war, and Eastman contributes to this by attacking Wilson's intentions, claiming that the U.S. has caught war-fever and that the war, at heart, was never about liberty to begin with.

''"If you can not raise in our population a volunteer army of one million men for this war, then the American democracy does not want this war; and to call it a democratic war, or a war for democracy, while you whip them to it, is an insult in their faces."''

Challenging the President on the true intent of the war, Eastman asks a series of questions to Wilson in his article that question whether the war is a war for democracy:

# Would the U.S. end the war with a democratic Germany putting aside views on submarine war and trade of arms and munitions?
# Would Wilson recant his statement that citizens shouldn't engage in assisting revolution in other states?
# Would he promote a German group promoting democratic ideals?
# Would he make a peace agreement with the Reichstag (parliament) where the only item absolutely required is peace?

Eastman also holds the U.S. accountable for conscription which he feels strips away the very democratic essence of U.S. involvement. He argues that it's insulting to force soldiers into a war meant to spread freedom: "Come, boys, get on your chains, we're going to fight for liberty!"

==Conclusion==
''"The Masses"'', an journal of the early twentieth century, was highly controversial. Its strong writing in favor of socialism served as a threat to American capitalists. Although it was an anti-war article that ultimately resulted in the magazine's discontinuation, that was simply the final straw. The United States prides itself on freedoms of speech and the press. But criticizing the war in a time when national unity is needed, qualifies as "treasonable material." It was not a single issue that got ''"The Masses"'' off the presses, but rather nearly a decade of dangerous material in the eyes of the government.

==Resources==
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"The Masses." The Masses. N.p., n.d. Web. 06 Mar. 2017.
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"Readings." Text and Medium: Intro to Digital Humanities. N.p., 16 Nov. 2015. Web. 06 Mar. 2017.
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"Voyant Tools." Voyant Tools. N.p., n.d. Web. 06 Mar. 2017
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[http://www.historynet.com/womens-suffrage-movement '''Woman's Suffrage Movement'''] History Net Web. 07 Mar. 2017